By Yankuba Jallow with New Narratives The arrest warrant for Sanna Manjang, a key figure in the Jammeh regime, has offered some relief to victims but has also highlighted the slow pace of justice. Advocates are calling for the government to act swiftly, warning that accused perpetrators are dying before facing trial. International challenges, including funding cuts from the U.S., could threaten the momentum of the transitional justice process. The long-awaited arrest warrant for Sanna Manjang, accused of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and other human rights violations during Jammeh’s 22-year rule, has been met with a mix of relief and frustration among victims of Yahya Jammeh’s regime. The country’s 2018 Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission accused Jammeh and dozens of his lieutenants of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and other human rights violations during his rule. Manjang has since not been charged with any criminal offence before any court of law. Manjang’s victims include Deyda Hydara, a prominent Gambian journalist and a co-founder of The Point Newspaper killed in 2004, Almamo Manneh, a former soldier suspected of plotting a couple against Yahya Jammeh killed in 2000, Landing Sanneh, a former director of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) killed in 2000, Daba Marena and others allegedly in a foiled coup in 2006 and the murder of approximately 44 West African migrants. While some victims see his arrest warrant as a step toward justice, others, like Sheriff Kijera, said it underscores the selective nature of the government’s pursuit of accountability. “It is long overdue,” Kijera, a leading advocate for victims, said in an interview. “But this should not stop with Sanna Manjang. There are many others at large—Peter Singhateh, Edward Singhateh, and even Jammeh himself—who have yet to be held accountable.” The arrest warrant follows years of hearings by The Truth Commission, which documented grave human rights abuses under Jammeh’s 22-year rule. The TRRC recommended the prosecution of at least 69 individuals, but critics argue that the government’s response has been slow and selective. Victims say time is not on their side. That was underscored by the recent case of Bora Colley, a former security official who was detained for months without charges and died in custody. Kijera and other activists warned that delays risk erasing the chance for full justice. While Kijera acknowledged the government’s efforts to establish a transitional justice program—including the Truth Commission, a National Human Rights Commission, and security sector reforms—he pointed to what he says are significant shortcomings. Chief among them is the disparity between funds allocated for victim reparations and those earmarked for prosecutions. “The Minister of Justice is asking for $60 million to try a handful of perpetrators, while victims are left with a mere $4 million for reparations,” Kijera said, citing the minister’s recent estimate of the cost for a special court to try international crimes. “It’s a slap in the face.” As delays mount, frustration grows among victims and their families. “Many of the victims are dying without seeing justice,” Kijera warned. “The government needs to act—urgently.” Ida Persson, Special Advisor to The Gambia’s Minister of Justice, acknowledged the challenges the government faces, especially after the recent U.S. funding cuts. President Trump’s decision to cut much of the $70 billion the US gives out annually in global aid has impacted people across the world. In The Gambia, in 2023, the US was one of the two largest bilateral donors, with the European Union, providing $35 million – most of that for food security. Millions had been appropriated by the last US Congress specifically to support The Gambia’s transitional justice process. Most of that has now been cut. These cuts have forced the government to seek alternative funding sources, such as the European Union, African Union, and United Nations, to support the special court and other transitional justice processes. With an annual budget of just D37.85 billion ($529.5 million) and many other pressing priorities, the government has counted on significant international support for the transitional justice process. That hope was not without foundation. From that amount, the National Assembly passed the 2025 budget allocating 205m dalasi or $2.8m to the Ministry of Justice for 2025. From that, the government allocated 20m dalasi or $275,000 for the Special Prosecutor’s Office, an independent body responsible for investigating and preparing cases. The Special Prosecutor will decide who will be tried and the nature of the charges. The Minister of Justice said the Prosecutor’s Office will become operational by June 2025. Other transitional justice processes in the region have attracted large international funding in the past – the Special Court for Sierra Leone – which ended in 2013, received more than $350 million. But donors have warned that the appetite to support African courts has dropped, particularly as the Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought war to Europe’s doorstep. “The reduction in U.S. funding has impacted our ability to progress, but we are actively engaging with other partners to continue the work,” Persson said. “We have received support from other international partners, and we are confident that the momentum will continue.” Perrson underscored the government’s commitment to victims’ participation in the process, highlighting the role of the Transitional Justice Steering Committee, which includes victims’ representatives, the Gambian Bar Association, and civil society groups. She said these engagements were part of efforts to ensure transparency and accountability as the government works toward justice. The Committee is responsible for guiding and coordinating efforts to reconciliation, accountability, and justice for victims of human rights violations in the Gambia. It is involved in the implementation process of the transitional justice framework, which aims to address past human rights violations and ensure that it does not repeat. “We are committed to ensuring reparations for all victims,” Persson said. “The Reparations Commission will begin its work soon, and we are pushing for a comprehensive approach that reflects the severity of the violations.” Activists like Kijera argued that the Gambian government must take greater ownership of the process, suggesting a presidential fund for justice initiatives, akin to fundraising efforts for the country’s football federation. Victims said this comparison highlights the disparity between the priority given to national sports and the relatively low attention given to funding justice for victims of human rights abuses. In 2019, The Gambia’s government successfully mobilized funds for the football federation through a campaign led by the president himself. This effort saw significant contributions from local businesses and private sector partners, illustrating the potential for a similar, targeted initiative for the victims of the Jammeh regime. Kijera said that a similar fund, where the president personally takes the lead in securing resources, could fast-track the implementation of justice initiatives. “Look at what the president did for the football federation. If that level of effort was directed at ensuring justice for victims, we could make significant progress,” Kijera said. “But instead, we’re left waiting while the government relies on foreign aid and slow bureaucratic processes.” Ida Persson, remains optimistic, acknowledging that while challenges exist, the government is committed to the process. She pointed to the upcoming work of the Special Criminal Division of the High Court and the Special Tribunal, which will hear the cases to ensure justice and accountability. “The establishment of the Special Criminal Division and the Tribunal for The Gambia is a significant milestone. We are ready to work with them and provide the necessary support,” she said. “There is no turning back. We are moving forward with the victims in mind, and we will ensure that justice is served.” The Gambia’s transitional justice process began in 2018 with the establishment of the TRRC. Modeled after South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, it sought to document human rights violations and provide recommendations for justice and reparations. While the TRRC’s final report was submitted in 2021, implementation has been slow. The government initially accepted most recommendations but has struggled to execute them. International observers note that holding Jammeh accountable is particularly complex. Now in exile in Equatorial Guinea, he remains politically influential, and efforts to extradite him face diplomatic hurdles. “Agreeing on the contours of the Tribunal, writing the Statute, and getting it approved by ECOWAS was the easy part, and that took 3 years,” said Reed Brody, a lawyer with international standing. “The hard part will be funding the Tribunal, which will cost tens of millions of dollars, finding the staff, and getting it up and running.” Brody insists that if the Gambia continues to show the political will, its friends in the international community, who have rightly been impressed with Gambia’s transitional justice program, especially the TRRC, will be ready to help. “But with the US cutting off all foreign aid, it will be particularly challenging now to find the money,” he said. Brody said the Gambia has already proven that it can defy the odds. “This is a country that removed a brutal dictator through the ballot box, launched one of the most ambitious truth commissions in the world, and is now poised to deliver long-overdue justice. The loss of U.S. aid is a setback, but it is not the end of the road,” he said. While U.S. funding was expected to play a major role, he said, The Gambia still has strong allies. The United Nations, European Union, Canada, and Scandinavian nations have historically supported transitional justice efforts and could step in. African countries may also provide critical support. “If The Gambia aggressively pursues diplomatic and financial backing, the two-year target can still be within reach,” he said. Brody said even as the Special Tribunal faces funding hurdles, the Gambian judiciary is not standing still. The Special Criminal Division, already set up, will prosecute key figures identified by the TRRC. Judges are in place, and the Special Prosecutor’s Office could be launched in 2025. “This means trials for Jammeh’s enforcers—including the feared Junglers—could begin sooner than expected, sending a strong message that justice is moving forward, with or without the Tribunal,” Brody said. Asked whether Jammeh will ever face justice, Reed Brody said yes, adding that “the momentum is on the side of accountability.” Brody stated that after the powerful public testimonies at the TRRC, which deeply impacted Gambians, there is a strong expectation, both at home and abroad, that the government will deliver justice – including criminal trials – without further delay for victims who have already waited seven years, and in some cases, much longer. “That challenge may mean The Gambia and ECOWAS will have to rethink the scale of the Special Tribunal. That would mean perhaps fewer international judges, panels of fewer judges, having judges seconded by their home countries, and the like. The loss of U.S. aid is a major setback, but it does not mean the Tribunal is doomed. A leaner, Africa-led Tribunal could still deliver justice while The Gambia presses ahead with domestic prosecutions. This is not the time to give up—it is the time to adapt and push forward,” Brody said. The Gambian government has pledged to set up a hybrid court, with support from ECOWAS, to try Jammeh-era crimes. However, with no budget allocated for the court in 2025, activists fear further delays. This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the West Africa Justice Reporting Project.